Blog Post

A Lynching Countenanced by the White Press and Church

Anuoluwapo Adefiwitan, Howard Center for Investigative Journalism • March 29, 2022

The historical marker in Delaware’s Price’s Corner memorializes George White, a black farm laborer lynched there in 1903. Photo: Associated Press


George White prayed incessantly as the lynch mob leaders placed dry straw around him and a stake with twigs in Wilmington, Del.

 

While beseeching God in the early hours of June 23, 1903, White heard the footsteps of the growing thousands who surrounded him to watch his death.

 

As the pyre was fully prepared near Price’s Corner, the location of his alleged crime, a mob leader wrapped White in “strong” rope “from his shoulders to his feet,” and dragged him closer to the stake, according to stories in Wilmington newspapers.

 

White muttered his final cry, “God, help me!” as the mob leader set fire to the straw. As the flame burned off his clothes and the rope, he tried to escape. “Willing hands,” the newspapers reported, repeatedly returned White to his stake.

 

While White’s body lay still, ablaze and reeking of burnt flesh, a “young and pretty woman” was brought near the stake. “She was pale, but appeared to be satisfied that proper justice was being meted out to the man,” The News Journal of Wilmington, Del., reported.

 

“Should the Murderer of Miss Bishop be Lynched?”

 

White’s lynching was incited by two major forces of the post-Civil War South: the church and the press, specifically The News Journal, Evening Journal, and The Morning News of Delaware.

 

White, a Black farm laborer, was apprehended on June 16, 1903, accused of fatally assaulting Helen S. Bishop, daughter of a local minister and school superintendent, on the previous day.


George White, lynched in Delaware on June 23, 1903, after

being accused of a local killing. Photo: Courtesy of The

News Journal’s archives


His trial date was set for September, which caused anger among community members who thought White should “enjoy his right to a speedy and public trial,” according to The Morning News.

 

Within days of White’s arrest, Bishop died from her injuries and anger grew. The News Journal told readers where White was being held until trial. The Evening Journal also implied that the growing unrest in the town might result in Delaware’s second lynching: “Hundreds viewed the remains of the unfortunate girl, and from the remarks heard, the fate of George White … would have been most quickly settled had he been on the grounds,’’ the paper reported.

 

On June 20, 1903, the Evening Journal ran an ad for a sermon the Rev. Robert A. Elwood planned for the next day, “Should the Murderer of Miss Bishop be Lynched?” An unsuccessful attempt to lynch White was organized on the night the ad appeared.

 

On June 21, Elwood stood before the 2,500 people filling the pews of his church, Olivet Presbyterian, in Wilmington.

 

He began, “I have chosen to speak to you tonight from two texts, one found in the Bible, First Corinthians 5:13, ‘Therefore put away from among yourselves that wicked person.’ And the other in that document … the greatest ever written next to the Bible, the Constitution of the United States, and of it the Sixth Amendment, reading thus: ‘In all criminal case prosecutions the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial.’”

 

Elwood said that by not honoring God and the Constitution and not putting White on trial quickly, the responsibility would fall on the judges who delayed the trial if White were lynched. “Who did this?’’ Elwood preached. “Was it a wild beast loose from its captors and found an easy prey? … Was it an imp of hell, taking vengeance on a defenseless human? No, but it was a man with the heart of a beast, with the desires of a fiend who gave vent to his bestiality and executed this damnable crime.”

 

The impassioned minister showed leaves that he said were stained with Bishop’s blood.

 

The Evening Journal reported the quotes from Elwood’s sermon the next day.

 

White Christianity in former slave states such as Delaware was “one of the most insidious ways to maintain white supremacy and white privilege,’’ said historian and author C.R. Gibbs.

 

“The stage was set inside the churches through countless sermons questioning the humanity of Black people,’’ Gibbs said. “When you had the supposed best levels of Southern society heavily involved in the same kind of rhetoric, then the discord itself became more approving of violence.

 

“When you have religion against a people, when you have the law against a people, then there is no hope for immediate mitigation of the conditions under which they are held.”

 

The mob dragged White from the jail and burned him alive less than 48 hours after Elwood’s sermon.

 

Some white preachers denounced White’s lynching. Yet their counter-sermons also promoted racist attitudes towards African Americans in the name of Christ and the Constitution.

 

The Rev. A.N. Keigwin, pastor of the West Presbyterian church in Delaware, condemned the lynching and said citizens should be “thanking God we have grace enough to be indignant at such crimes, and grace enough to be ashamed of ourselves.”

 

Yet, he preached, the cruelty done to White was “as natural an outbreak of human feeling as any act of human nature.… It was an outburst of passion as natural as breathing.”

 

If there were an exceptional case in which to take out vengeance, Keigwin said from the pulpit, the lynching of White would “head the list.” He went on to say: “I cannot speak temperately of the worse than brute who perpetrated the outrage. I cannot allow myself to think of the horror, the unspeakable suffering of that innocent young woman in the power of the arch fiend.”

 

Both Keigwin and Elwood preached on natural versus man-made law. Elwood said, “Law is the order of the universe” and “was not first made by man.” Keigwin said, “The order of nature is law, the order of society is law.”

 

Both Elwood and Keigwin encouraged their congregants to elect those who would favor speedy trials for everyone, especially those who are presumed guilty.

 

White Supremacy Pervading the Press

 

Keigwin was commended in the press for having “been calm and temperate in utterances” in his sermon.

 

Although all three newspapers published content that showed disapproval of White’s lynching, the coverage reflected the influence of the culture of a slave state where the mindset of God-ordained white supremacy reigned, including in the press.

 

David R. Davies, a professor of journalism at the University of Southern Mississippi, said, “White supremacy was a given’’ in newspapers. “These viewpoints were stated just outright that one race is superior and one race is inferior.”

 

The Evening Journal advertised the title of Elwood’s sermon and reported the most provocative and derogatory parts. Additionally, it labeled White as “a negro of bad repute” when reporting his arrest, noting that the knife marks on the neck of White’s alleged victim were “simple and impressive.”

 

The Evening Journal reported on the response of a local Black pastor to White’s death, calling the sermon by the Rev. Montrose W. Thornton, pastor of the First African Methodist Episcopal Church, “sensational” and “inflammatory.”

 

The paper said Thornton’s sermon “aroused the negroes,” citing as “inflammatory” the minister’s assertion that “the negro race is no better or worse than the Caucasian or any other.”

 

In that same edition, the Journal ran Keigwin’s sermon and published a story from the Middletown Transcript that called Elwood’s sermon “sensational.”

 

A day after White was lynched, The Morning News published a photo of him with the caption, “Murderer, George White,” even though he had never been tried, much less convicted.

 

The News Journal’s reporter, in the story “The Negro Burned At The Stake,” claimed White had confessed and provided readers with a word-for-word version despite the lack of evidence that such a confession existed.

 

Lynchings in Delaware

 

White’s murder is the only Delaware lynching recorded with the Equal Justice Initiative. But the Howard Center for Investigative Journalism found at least one more victim. Before the Civil War, Joe Hamilton was lynched in Smyrna. And historians are searching for evidence of others.

 

In 1922, poet and civil rights activist Alice Dunbar-Nelson, along with some members of the African American community in Dover, urged U.S. Rep. Caleb R. Layton to support a federal anti-lynching bill sponsored by fellow Republican Rep. Leonidas Dyer of Missouri.

 

Layton declined. “If the bill were to become a law and a lynching took place in Delaware, the county in which it occurred would be taxed $10,000,’’ he said. “The public, innocent of any connection with the crime committed, would have to pay the survivors of the dead man that sum.…  Levying of such a tax upon the county or the people of the county is contrary to the Constitution, which says that no taxes except general one shall be admissible.”

 

Layton, a physician, did state that “the purposes of the bill are good.” It passed the House, but was killed in the Senate by Southern Democrats.

 

Dunbar-Nelson, wife of Black poet and novelist Paul Laurence Dunbar, describes Delaware in her 1924 article, “A Jewel of Inconsistencies,” as “a state of anomalies, of political and social contradictions.”

 

These anomalies included the white community’s response to White’s murder. Although she states that many whites did not agree with his lynching, many whites joined Elwood’s church after his sermon and the congregation published an article defending his words and saying his sermon was not responsible for White’s lynching.

 

Elwood was eventually called before the New Castle Presbytery for preaching “contrary to the Christian faith,” but faced no repercussions. According to the Journal of Presbyterian History, Elwood eventually left Wilmington for another pastor position in Leavenworth, Kan.

 

NAACP leader Walter White wrote in 1929 that “it is exceedingly doubtful if lynching could possibly exist under any other religion than Christianity. Through tacit approval and acquiescence has the Christian Church indirectly given its approval to lynch law and other forms of race prejudice.”

 

George White Remembered

 

Delaware Online, the present iteration of The News Journal, reported the unveiling of a historical marker dedicated to George White in June 2019.

 

By August, the marker had been stolen. 

 

It was replaced two months later.

 


The Howard Center for Investigative Journalism is a multidisciplinary program of the University of Maryland Philip Merrill College of Journalism, focused on training the next generation of reporters through hands-on investigative journalism projects.

 

Vote 2024. Image: CSES design
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May we all get through these times to the point where we can tell a younger generation the kinds of stories our elders told us about the Great Depression or the Civil Rights movement — hopefully, with something resembling a happy ending. Peter Heck is a Chestertown-based writer and editor, who spent 10 years at the Kent County News and three more with the Chestertown Spy. He is the author of 10 novels and co-author of four plays, a book reviewer for Asimov’s and Kirkus Reviews, and an incorrigible guitarist. 
No mandate. Image: CSES design.
By Jan Plotczyk November 19, 2024
 The 2024 presidential election was over swiftly. The Associated Press called it at 5:34 am on Nov. 6, and by 8 am, President-elect Donald Trump was crowing about the “ historic mandate ” given to him by the American people. A “mandate”? Turns out not. Trump jumped to an early lead on election night, but in the following days, his lead diminished as mail-in and provisional ballots were counted. A Baltimore Banner article on Nov. 6 highlighted the “Trump shift” that had occurred in every political subdivision in Maryland, even in counties where Democrat Kamala Harris won. This shift described the increase in Trump support since his loss to President Joe Biden in 2020 . As of Nov. 6, the biggest Trump shift was an 8.1% increase in his support in red Cecil County, but there were also shifts in the central Maryland counties that are the state’s Democratic strongholds — 4.3% in Montgomery and lesser amounts in other blue counties. Fourteen counties recorded shifts of 4% or more. On the Eastern Shore, every county had a shift over 4.5% except Talbot (2.7%), and the five largest shifts were Shore counties. For the state’s Democrats, it did not look encouraging. But as mail-in and provisional ballots were counted across the state, the Trump shift was reduced everywhere, and as of Nov. 16, disappeared altogether in Garrett (-1.2%) and Charles (-0.1%) counties. The shift dropped below 3% in all Maryland counties. Cecil’s shift became 2.1%. Montgomery’s shift dropped to 2.9%. Talbot’s shift declined to 0.2%, lowest of the Eastern Shore counties. Now, instead of five, only two of the highest five shifts were in Eastern Shore counties. The red bars in the chart below represent the Trump shift percentage values as of Nov. 16, in ascending order. The grey bars represent the misleading (and ephemeral) Trump shift percentage values as of Nov. 6. Please note the degree to which the Trump shift lessened and disappeared in the 10 days after the election. Another red mirage. But if you had only read the Nov. 6 article and not looked at the updated data, you would have been fooled into thinking Trump support is stronger than it is.
School board elections. Image: CSES design
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Woman in gynecologist’s office. Image: CSES design
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Countries that do this benefit economically on the national scale and those that don’t fall behind. Racism and misogyny embedded in cultural practices, such as giving preference to males in detriment to females, to White people instead of to Black and Brown people, have long reaching deleterious effects. Egalitarianism has always been a human tendency that improves the chances of human survival. Jeanette E. Sherbondy is a retired anthropology professor from Washington College and has lived here since 1986. In retirement she has been active with the Kent County Historical Society and Sumner Hall, one of the organizers of Legacy Day, and helped get highway /historical markers recognizing Henry Highland Garnet. She published an article on her ethnohistorical research of the free Black village, Morgnec.
Graphic from the Salisbury Comprehensive Plan Report, Nov 2023. Image: Salisbury website
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There is an urgent issue in Salisbury requiring immediate engagement. Mayor Randy Taylor's administration is trying to hide from our community that they intend to internally and unilaterally rewrite our 10-year Comprehensive Plan, without the knowledge of the Salisbury City Council. We need to encourage Mayor Randy Taylor and the City Administration that our council and our community deserve to be a part of this vital process. Last week public comments were collected at the City Headquarters Building. Residents submitted written comments and could share a three-minute comment addressing why this plan to subvert the Comprehensive Plan approval process is concerning to them. You can still help! Share this Email . We need to show the City that our residents are ready to take action! Please consider sending an email with this form to directly express your concerns to the Mayor's Office. Jared Schablein is the chair of Shore Progress.
Native American beadwork
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