In 1868, Local Man Elected to Senate in Time for First Impeachment
Kevin Hemstock • February 16, 2021
(The First of Two Parts)
The impeachment of Donald Trump isn’t that much different than the nation’s first impeachment, that of President Andrew Johnson in 1868. Johnson was acquitted by the U.S. Senate, in part thanks to George Vickers, a senator from Kent County.
Vickers was not elected to the U.S. Senate by the people of Maryland. That’s because prior to the passage of the 17th Amendment to the Constitution in 1913, senators were elected by state legislatures.
So, Kent’s consummate lawyer was elected to the U.S. Senate by the Maryland legislature, by a vote of 59 to the nearest candidate’s 41, on March 4, 1868.
That nearest candidate was another lawyer, Philip F. Thomas, who, in theory, had already been elected to the post.
Hailing from Easton, Thomas, 57, was eminently qualified. A lifelong Talbot County resident, he started in politics in 1838. He served as the state’s governor from 1848 to 1851. He also served in the state legislature off and on, and for a while was in the administration of President James Buchanan.
But the Civil War changed the political landscape of the state and the nation.
Thomas was elected by the legislature in March 1867 as U.S. senator. But when Congress met in session in January 1868, the Republican majority refused to seat him and the following month, he was rejected. They claimed he wasn’t a viable candidate for the job because his son, John, had joined the Confederacy and fought in the war against Union forces. Worse, Thomas had sent his son money and aided him by other means during the war.
The Baltimore Sun opined in its Feb. 21, 1868, edition that aid to Vickers's son really had nothing to do with the Confederacy, but that his son’s participation in the losing side of the War Between the States was an excuse for the Republican majority to eliminate a Democrat with such a lofty political pedigree.
“Never were a series of objections shown to be more completely frivolous and groundless than those assigned against Mr. Thomas. The act of the majority leaves nothing in doubt as to its motive.”
Vickers — well qualified for the job — didn’t really want it. In fact, he had for much of his life avoided the limelight, but was cast in it whether he liked it or not. But to the “Radical Republicans,” a more extreme faction of the Republican party, he was lesser known and perhaps seemed less a threat to the legislative status quo, even though he, too, had a son who had fought for the Confederacy.
Born in Kent County in 1801, the son of Capt. James and Lydia Towers Vickers, George Vickers graduated from Washington College in 1817 and began his own law practice in Chestertown in 1827, operating initially out of an office on Cross Street. Later he moved to Lawyer’s Row. His cases were numerous and consequential, and he soon made a name for himself in the county and the state as a thoughtful and articulate community leader. He bought a newspaper in 1838 — the Kent Bugle, which later became the Kent News — a vehicle for editorials supporting the Whig Party.
He was involved in real estate, and established his home with his wife, the former Mary Mansfield, in a substantial three-story manse on Mill Street. He was director of the Farmers & Mechanics Bank.
As a Whig, he became actively involved in politics. His local Whig leadership gave him some gravitas and in 1840, he was chosen an elector for William Henry Harrison. Harrison was elected president, but died a month after his inauguration. Locally, Vickers served on the county commission, the Chestertown town commission, and for a brief spell was a judge of the circuit court.
As the Civil War neared, he made it clear he supported preservation of the Union, and as a member of the Friends of the Constitution, opposed secession. After Confederate forces attacked Fort Sumter at Charleston, S.C., in April 1861, igniting the war, Vickers was somber in a letter to the Kent News, April 27, 1861:
“The condition of public affairs and the impenetrable cloud that skirts the future, hang as a pall upon the spirits of the people, and should admonish us all of the necessity of unity of feeling and effort in these times of ominous peril, and lead us to look to a source higher than all earthly power for relief, in this the darkest hour of our country’s history.”
A slaveowner, he continued to support the dubious institution.
Soon after hostilities began, Gov. Thomas Holliday Hicks appointed Vickers as Major General of the Second Maryland Militia, a largely nominal political office, but with military trappings. As local men in Kent began preparing for war in the months following its onset, “Camp Vickers” was established north of Chestertown.
Like most Kent countians, he opposed Abraham Lincoln and Lincoln’s Republican Party in the 1860 election. In 1864, he supported Democrat Gen. George B. McClellan’s candidacy for the presidency. In accepting the appointment as an elector, he noted his reluctance in getting involved in politics following the demise of the Whig Party in the late 1850s, and his surprise at being chosen to participate.
It also disenfranchised supporters of the Confederacy, another bone of contention, since many locals had fought or continued to fight for the Confederacy at the time of the vote.
The new constitution was approved by a scant margin statewide, but in Kent, 1,196 of the 1,434 votes cast on Oct. 13, 1864 opposed it. Nonetheless, freedom for Maryland slaves became the law of the state on Nov. 1, 1864, more than a year after Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation had been issued.
Perhaps that’s what drove him to run for the state senate in November 1865 against another Kent stalwart, Col. Edward Wilkins, who was associated with the “Radical Republicans.” Vickers won, with 562 votes against Wilkins’ 454.
In his second year as a state senator, 1867, he opposed the repeal of a law that required one of the U.S. senators elected by the state senate to be from the Eastern Shore.
The debate was part of the effort to reduce the power of the minority Democrats. The Republicans won, and the law was set aside. A vote afterward, to elect a U.S. senator, favored Gov. Thomas Swann, a Republican-turned-Democrat, but one who had opposed slavery and supported the 1864 constitution. At the time, Vickers was also in the running, but Swann’s own party convinced the governor to remain in that post, and Philip F. Thomas was chosen as the senator.
As noted, Thomas’ failure to be seated resulted in that singular March 4, 1868, election in the legislative session. Vickers was elevated to the federal post. It was a propitious election, and his role in taking on the weighty political office would have national consequences that echo most loudly in today’s divisive political environment.
Kevin Hemstock writes from Millington. The former editor of the Kent County News, his book, Injustice on the Eastern Shore, was published in 2015. He has also self-published a number of books on the topic of local history.
Common Sense for the Eastern Shore
At Shore Progress’s monthly meeting last week, the tension between national politics and local opportunity was on full display. With President Donald Trump escalating his attacks on offshore wind, representatives from US Wind and the Oceantic Network made their case directly to members gathered in Salisbury. From the outset, the presenters stressed the scale of what’s coming to the Eastern Shore. “This project is the equivalent of building two nuclear power plants off our coast,” US Wind representative Dave Wilson said, pointing to plans for 114 turbines and four offshore substations. Together, he said, the project will generate two net gigawatts of clean energy, enough to power approximately 26% of the homes in Maryland. The presentation walked members through the timeline: a four-phase buildout beginning in the southeast corner of the lease area, with each phase, including its own export cable, routed through Indian River Bay into the regional grid at the Indian River Power Plant in Delaware. Environmental safeguards on display Slides showed how US Wind plans to minimize negative effects on wildlife. The company will use an aircraft detection lighting system to keep turbines dark until a low-flying aircraft approaches, reducing night-sky light pollution. Marine protections include bubble curtains to dampen noise during pile driving, visual and acoustic monitoring for whales, and strict shutdown zones if animals enter construction areas. Lights will be on less than 1% of the time in any given year, underscoring their view that offshore wind can coexist with migratory birds, commercial fishing, and marine transit. Economic promise for the Shore The discussion turned quickly to what the project means locally. US Wind pledged hundreds of jobs for the Shore, with commitments to use union labor and partner with minority, women, and veteran-owned businesses. Officials noted that the Lower Shore Workforce Alliance has already received $700,000 from Maryland Works for Wind to build training programs, while community colleges are adjusting trade curricula to educate the next generation of turbine technicians. A planned operations and maintenance facility in West Ocean City will house technicians and crew transfer vessels, bringing steady employment and infrastructure investment to the harbor. A national fight with local stakes The meeting didn’t shy away from politics. Several members noted Trump’s repeated attempts to derail offshore wind projects including his latest push to revoke US Wind’s federal permit. US Wind officials acknowledged that such lawsuits could delay progress but insisted that the project’s federal approvals are on solid ground. “This is the Eastern Shore's moment,” Shore Progress Chair Jared Schablein said, referring to a slide that showed more than $815 million in offshore wind investments statewide. “The question is whether politics will slow us down, or whether we keep building for the Shore’s future.” The presentation had a clear message: Offshore wind is not just about clean power, but also about jobs, investment, and opportunity for Eastern Shore families. Jan Plotczyk spent 25 years as a survey and education statistician with the federal government, at the Census Bureau and the National Center for Education Statistics. She retired to Rock Hall.
Standing at the Legacy at Twin Rivers apartment community in Howard County, Maryland Gov. Wes Moore signed an executive order aimed at addressing his state’s deepening housing crisis. Titled Housing Starts Here, his order is designed to accelerate construction of affordable homes and cut through what Moore called years of “no and slow” decision-making in state housing policy. Maryland is facing a shortage of at least 96,000 housing units, according to state estimates, a gap that officials say has driven up prices, pushed families out of the state, and stifled economic growth. “Building pathways to wealth for Marylanders, creating jobs, attracting new businesses and residents, growing our economy, and securing our future all start with housing,” Moore said at the signing. “We need to be the state of yes and now.” Five guiding principles The executive order lays out five core priorities for state housing policy: Use state land for housing . Agencies must identify surplus properties and land near transit stations that can be converted into new housing developments. Cut red tape. State permitting processes will be streamlined, with new rules allowing third-party reviewers to accelerate approvals. Strengthen partnerships. A new State Housing Ombudsman will serve as a liaison to help coordinate projects between state agencies, local governments, and developers. Set clear goals. By January 2026, the state will publish housing production targets for each county and update them every five years. Incentivize affordable housing. Jurisdictions that meet housing targets or pass pro-housing policies will be recognized with new Maryland Housing Leadership Awards, making them more competitive for state funding. Speed as the priority State officials said the new framework is focused on cutting delays that can hold back projects for years. By digitizing applications, engaging multiple agencies simultaneously, and allowing outside reviewers, the state aims to expedite project completion while upholding environmental and community standards. What could this mean for us on the Eastern Shore? Moore acknowledged that housing affordability consistently ranks as Marylanders’ No. 1 concern. For young people in particular, high costs and long commutes are major reasons they leave the state. The order seeks to reverse that trend, tying housing growth to job creation and transit access. On the Eastern Shore , where rental availability and starter homes are limited, Moore’s order could open opportunities for mixed-use, transit-oriented projects on state-owned land, as well as accelerate approval for affordable housing initiatives backed by nonprofits and local developers. What comes next The Department of Housing and Community Development will publish the state’s first set of production targets by Jan. 1, 2026, followed by annual progress reports starting in 2027. Agencies have until March 2026 to implement many of the new permitting and funding acceleration rules. Moore framed the executive order as a generational investment. “Making housing more affordable is not just about building shelter, it’s about building a legacy,” he said.
Sen. Angela Alsobrooks (D-Md.) has intensified her calls for Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. to step down, releasing a detailed report that she says proves his tenure has been a disaster for American families. The first senator to demand Kennedy’s resignation in May, Alsobrooks joined Senate Finance Committee Ranking Member Ron Wyden (D-Ore.) in unveiling a 54-page report that chronicles what they describe as the “costly, chaotic, and corrupt” record of Kennedy’s first 203 days at the department. Released before Kennedy’s Senate hearing last week, the report outlines examples of alleged mismanagement for each day since he was sworn in on Feb. 13. “Robert Kennedy’s tenure as America’s chief health officer has been higher costs, more chaos, and boundless corruption,” Wyden said. “His actions are endangering children, leaving parents confused and scared, and forcing families and taxpayers to pay more for their health care.” Echoing that assessment, Alsobrooks cited testimony from scientists at the National Institutes of Health in Maryland who she says have watched critical cancer research grind to a halt under Kennedy’s leadership. “His actions are increasing Americans’ health care costs, causing chaos, and furthering the Trump administration’s endless stream of corruption,” she said. The report argues that Kennedy has: Driven up costs by backing the Trump administration’s budget plan, which Alsobrooks says strips health coverage from 15 million Americans while handing tax breaks to the wealthy and corporations. Created chaos by dismantling HHS programs, undermining research institutions, and promoting vaccine misinformation. Engaged in corruption by using the office to advance personal and family financial interests, particularly around limiting vaccine access. Public Citizen, a consumer advocacy group, praised Alsobrooks’ leadership. “President Trump and Senate Republicans made a grievous error when entrusting Kennedy with our nation’s health,” the group said in. “It is far past time that President Trump rectifies this error by firing Kennedy before more lives are unnecessarily put at risk.” Alsobrooks appeared on the Morning Joe TV show on to discuss the findings and to reiterate her demand that Kennedy resign or be removed. “This is about protecting families and protecting science,” she said. “Our nation’s health system cannot afford another day under Robert Kennedy’s reckless watch.” As a community organizer, journalist, administrator, project planner/manager, and consultant, Gren Whitman has led neighborhood, umbrella, public interest, and political committees and groups, and worked for civil rights and anti-war organizations.
Wicomico County leaders have announced plans to move forward with the federal government’s controversial 287(g) program, entering into an agreement with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) that would deputize local officers to serve immigration warrants inside the county jail. Under the model selected, known as the Warrant Service Officer program, specially trained deputies at the detention center would be allowed to serve civil immigration warrants on individuals already in custody. County Executive Julie Giordano and Sheriff Mike Lewis emphasized that deputies would not conduct street-level immigration enforcement. “Public safety is our top responsibility,” Giordano said. “The Warrant Service Officer program provides our sheriff’s office with the tools they need to address individuals already in custody who may pose a risk to our community at no additional cost to the county.” Lewis added that the program “gives our deputies the ability to safely and lawfully carry out their duties while ensuring that Wicomico County remains a secure place to live, work, and raise a family.” Community pushback The announcement drew swift opposition from civil rights and community organizations, including the ACLU of Maryland, the Wicomico NAACP, and local grassroots groups such as Crabs on the Shore, who have warned that the agreement will harm immigrant families, sow fear, and erode trust between residents and law enforcement. Opponents also criticized the process, arguing that the decision was rushed through without meaningful public input despite repeated calls for hearings. “This is being framed as an administrative detail, but it has huge consequences for our neighbors,” one advocate said. Concerns about cost and precedent Supporters of the WSO model have emphasized that the partnership comes “at no additional cost” to Wicomico taxpayers, but critics point out that other jurisdictions have found otherwise. Anne Arundel County canceled its own 287(g) agreement, citing high costs and community backlash. The Camden Police Department in Delaware withdrew from a similar partnership after public protests in May. Advocates note that the federal government does not fully reimburse counties for the time, training, and legal exposure associated with 287(g) programs, leaving local taxpayers to shoulder hidden expenses. First on Delmarva If finalized, Wicomico County would become the first government or police agency on the Delmarva Peninsula to formally enter into a 287(g) agreement with ICE. Supporters say that distinction demonstrates a commitment to accountability and public safety. Opponents warn it risks branding the county as hostile to immigrant communities that have long been central to the Shore’s workforce, particularly in poultry processing and agriculture. The county’s decision comes amid a broader national debate about local involvement in federal immigration enforcement, with critics warning that partnerships like 287(g) make communities less safe by discouraging victims and witnesses from coming forward. For now, the final agreement is pending federal approval. But with strong opposition already mobilized, the fight over Wicomico’s new partnership is likely only beginning.
Wicomico County Republicans have moved forward with an agreement to join the federal 287(g) program, aligning the county with the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE). County Executive Julie Giordano and Sheriff Mike Lewis are backing the program to train county officers at the detention center to help ICE identify non-citizens for deportation proceedings. The agreement has triggered strong pushback from immigrant advocates, civil rights groups, and community leaders who warn that this partnership will erode trust between residents and law enforcement, risk racial profiling, and allot local tax dollars to assist federal immigration enforcement. Yet amid the growing controversy, the Wicomico County Democratic Central Committee has issued no response to the ICE agreement, even as residents voice frustration that the Democratic establishment’s silence has ceded the conversation to Republicans. Moreover, the Central Committee has remained silent with regard to recent comments by Democratic Councilwoman April Jackson, who told the Washington Post that the poultry industry should reduce its reliance on immigrant workers. Jackson also said, “a lot of Americans aren’t employed because the Haitians are taking our jobs.” Jackson’s remarks have drawn widespread criticism from immigrant advocates. For many residents, the Democratic leadership’s silence is as much of a concern as the county government’s new partnership with ICE. As the county waits for federal approval of the 287(g) agreement, the absence of a Democratic counterweight has left immigrant families and community organizers to carry the opposition on their own.
With speculation mounting that Delegate Sheree Sample-Hughes (D-37A) may run for County Executive for Wicomico County in 2026, the longtime Eastern Shore lawmaker will headline a Community Conversation in Dorchester County on Sept. 17 at 6 pm. Sponsored by the Eastern Shore Democrats, the event will give residents the opportunity to hear Sample-Hughes speak about local priorities — schools, public safety, health care access, and economic development in the mid-Shore. Sample-Hughes, former Speaker Pro Tem of the Maryland House of Delegates, has represented portions of Wicomico and Dorchester counties for more than a decade. Her record includes bipartisan work on district projects, as well as efforts to expand health services and invest in infrastructure. Although organizers emphasize that the Sept. 17 gathering is not a campaign event, the timing has fueled interest. Political observers note that any appearance by Sample-Hughes will be closely watched as Democrats weigh potential challengers for County Executive in the upcoming cycle. The forum will include remarks from the delegate, followed by a question-and-answer session. Seating is available first-come, first-served and residents from across the Shore are encouraged to attend. Key details What: Community Conversation with Del. Sheree Sample-Hughes When: Sept. 17, 6 pm Where: Dorchester County, venue to be announced by organizers. Format: Remarks followed by audience Q&A Before her election to the House of Delegates, Sample-Hughes served on the Wicomico County Council. Should she enter the county executive race, many believe she would be a serious challenger to Republican incumbent Julie Giordano.
