Lunching with the Kremlin Guys (and Other Adventures at the Glassboro Summit)
Sherwin Markman • June 8, 2021
We were a small group of men, not much older than the college students having lunch at tables all around us in the dining hall at Glassboro State College. Two of us were Americans, Dick Moose, from the National Security Council, and me, an assistant to President Lyndon Johnson. Seated with us were a half dozen youngish looking men who worked on the Kremlin staff of Soviet Premier Aleksey Kosygin. At the moment, our bosses were attending a formal luncheon at Hollybush, the elegant old house which was the residence of Glassboro’s president. We were all here as a part of the ongoing summit conference between the United States and the Soviet Union.
Our Russian guests had brought caviar and vodka to our informal lunch. The caviar was quickly consumed, and Dick and I politely declined the vodka. We were more than a little embarrassed that all we could offer our guests was the same cafeteria food available to the students.
Our conversation was animated but friendly as we traded anecdotes of what it was like working for powerful bosses; surprisingly similar experiences, as it turned out. We could have gone on for hours, but our lunch was cut short when we were summoned to return to Hollybush.
Entering the house, we found that the main group was still seated around the large dining table. Although their meal appeared long finished, conversation was continuing. Standing just inside the doorway, I witnessed an exchange I’ve never forgotten.
President Johnson was seated between Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara and Premier Kosygin. McNamara was bent forward, leaning past the president, speaking directly to Kosygin in a loud, emotionally tinged voice. He was talking about how the people around this table had the power to destroy humanity, or to save it, to which he added his fears about the future for his own children and grandchildren. Kosygin was listening impassively. When McNamara stopped, the only thing I heard Kosygin say was, “I have children and grandchildren, too.” The awful reality of that exchange shocked me.
This was June 23, 1967, and how we got there is a story in itself.
That month had begun with violence and great danger. On June 3, the Six-Day War exploded between Israel and the Arab states. Almost immediately, it became apparent that Israel was headed toward victory. Then, suddenly, the Soviet Mediterranean fleet, which had been located away from the hostilities, turned and headed toward Israel’s coast, intent on somehow turning the tide of battle against Israel. President Johnson, determined not to let that happen, ordered the American Sixth Fleet to block the Soviets. Although this entire event was kept from the public, Johnson’s order created an extraordinary risk of military confrontation. Then, to our great relief, the Soviet fleet turned back, and conflict was avoided.
A short time later, Premier Kosygin traveled to New York to appear at the United Nations. President Johnson believed that a meeting between the two leaders was needed, and he sent word to Kosygin, inviting him to the White House. Kosygin replied that he was visiting the U.N., not the United States, and that it would be more appropriate for Johnson to come and meet with him at the U.N. Johnson disagreed, and there the matter stood. Both sides wanted a meeting, but were deadlocked over where to hold it.
Our State Department solved the problem by suggesting that the meeting take place exactly halfway between New York and Washington. That happened to be Glassboro, N.J., home of Glassboro State College. At 5:00 p.m., the Russians agreed and the summit conference was set to begin at 11:00 a.m. the next day, 18 hours away. At that moment, nobody in Glassboro even knew we were coming.
It was then that Marvin Watson, the president’s chief of staff, summoned me from my office in the West Wing, and startled me with the instruction that the president had decided that I was now in charge of making everything ready for the next day’s summit.
I was told I must immediately gather a complete team and have them at Andrews Air Force Base ready to board a White House airplane standing by. Working feverishly, I brought together personnel from the Secret Service, F.B.I., communications office, press office, state department, Navy cooks and waiters, and a variety of others I can no longer recall. In any event, we filled the plane and landed in Philadelphia at 10:00 p.m.
We were met by a cavalcade of New Jersey motorcycle police, who escorted us to Glassboro, where, because the news had leaked, a mass of media was already gathered. Pushing my way through, I walked up to the front door of Hollybush and knocked. The door was immediately opened by Dr. Hugh Robinson, the college president, with his wife by his side. They were nervous but friendly as I introduced myself and described my mission. I told them that we required a proper place for the conference, and that included facilities for a large meeting of the delegations, an intimate meeting between the two leaders, separate meetings of the two delegations, a formal luncheon of the delegations, and, of course, comfort and security for all.
Dr. Robinson’s response was to lead me on a tour of his campus, where, followed by the media, we quickly visited the student union and the gymnasium. I stopped it there and told Dr. Robinson what I had already decided: that the only suitable place was Hollybush itself. I said there were some things that had to be done to make it ready. Reluctantly, he accepted my offer. Ultimately, but with great reluctance, Mrs. Robinson also agreed.
What had to be done — and was — during that long night was enormous. The changes included 14 window air conditioning units and a transformer to power them (the house had none, and the weather was going to be brutally hot); new chairs and tables; dining room table and chairs; kitchen equipment; doors and draperies; security fences; communications equipment; and more. Somehow, we found the skilled personnel and the furnishings. Everyone worked throughout the night, and everything was ready by the time the summit began.
The summit continued that day and another, and I never stopped working.
About 10 minutes before the second day session was about to begin and as the Soviet motorcade from New York was pulling into the Hollybush driveway, the president’s helicopter landed on the ball field next door. Out stepped Mr. Johnson accompanied by his wife, Lady Bird. I greeted them and the president immediately asked me what was planned. I told him that Kosygin was here and they would meet immediately. The president snapped that he didn’t like the plan. As I began to stutter that Kosygin was already standing there waiting, Lady Bird turned to her husband and said, “Now, Lyndon, it’s too late to change. Just do it as Sherwin has planned.” Which we did. I was — and am — endlessly grateful to her for that, and, as it happened, it all worked out just fine.
Toward the end, the president stated that he wanted to acquire the two chairs and table from the small study where he and Kosygin had met privately. He wanted them for display at his planned library.
I approached Mrs. Robinson, but she refused to sell one of the chairs, telling me it was a family heirloom. I offered to have the chair duplicated for her. She replied, then you take the duplicate. But Johnson would have none of that. There was nothing I could do to change her mind and I passed the ball to New Jersey Gov. Richard Hughes, who somehow succeeded where I had failed.
When the LBJ Library was completed, those three pieces of Mrs. Robinson’s furniture were prominently exhibited, but the display did not last. A few years after President Johnson’s death, it was taken down and the furniture stored in the library’s basement.
Which shows, I guess, that even the fervent wishes of a president of the United States for what should be shown at his own library can and will be, with the passage of time, ignored.
Sherwin Markman, a graduate of the Yale Law School, lives with his wife, Kathryn (Peggy) in Rock Hall, Maryland. He served as an assistant to President Lyndon Johnson, after which was a trial lawyer in Washington, D.C. He has published several books, including one dealing with the Electoral College. He has also taught and lectured about the American political system.
Common Sense for the Eastern Shore
At Shore Progress’s monthly meeting last week, the tension between national politics and local opportunity was on full display. With President Donald Trump escalating his attacks on offshore wind, representatives from US Wind and the Oceantic Network made their case directly to members gathered in Salisbury. From the outset, the presenters stressed the scale of what’s coming to the Eastern Shore. “This project is the equivalent of building two nuclear power plants off our coast,” US Wind representative Dave Wilson said, pointing to plans for 114 turbines and four offshore substations. Together, he said, the project will generate two net gigawatts of clean energy, enough to power approximately 26% of the homes in Maryland. The presentation walked members through the timeline: a four-phase buildout beginning in the southeast corner of the lease area, with each phase, including its own export cable, routed through Indian River Bay into the regional grid at the Indian River Power Plant in Delaware. Environmental safeguards on display Slides showed how US Wind plans to minimize negative effects on wildlife. The company will use an aircraft detection lighting system to keep turbines dark until a low-flying aircraft approaches, reducing night-sky light pollution. Marine protections include bubble curtains to dampen noise during pile driving, visual and acoustic monitoring for whales, and strict shutdown zones if animals enter construction areas. Lights will be on less than 1% of the time in any given year, underscoring their view that offshore wind can coexist with migratory birds, commercial fishing, and marine transit. Economic promise for the Shore The discussion turned quickly to what the project means locally. US Wind pledged hundreds of jobs for the Shore, with commitments to use union labor and partner with minority, women, and veteran-owned businesses. Officials noted that the Lower Shore Workforce Alliance has already received $700,000 from Maryland Works for Wind to build training programs, while community colleges are adjusting trade curricula to educate the next generation of turbine technicians. A planned operations and maintenance facility in West Ocean City will house technicians and crew transfer vessels, bringing steady employment and infrastructure investment to the harbor. A national fight with local stakes The meeting didn’t shy away from politics. Several members noted Trump’s repeated attempts to derail offshore wind projects including his latest push to revoke US Wind’s federal permit. US Wind officials acknowledged that such lawsuits could delay progress but insisted that the project’s federal approvals are on solid ground. “This is the Eastern Shore's moment,” Shore Progress Chair Jared Schablein said, referring to a slide that showed more than $815 million in offshore wind investments statewide. “The question is whether politics will slow us down, or whether we keep building for the Shore’s future.” The presentation had a clear message: Offshore wind is not just about clean power, but also about jobs, investment, and opportunity for Eastern Shore families. Jan Plotczyk spent 25 years as a survey and education statistician with the federal government, at the Census Bureau and the National Center for Education Statistics. She retired to Rock Hall.
Standing at the Legacy at Twin Rivers apartment community in Howard County, Maryland Gov. Wes Moore signed an executive order aimed at addressing his state’s deepening housing crisis. Titled Housing Starts Here, his order is designed to accelerate construction of affordable homes and cut through what Moore called years of “no and slow” decision-making in state housing policy. Maryland is facing a shortage of at least 96,000 housing units, according to state estimates, a gap that officials say has driven up prices, pushed families out of the state, and stifled economic growth. “Building pathways to wealth for Marylanders, creating jobs, attracting new businesses and residents, growing our economy, and securing our future all start with housing,” Moore said at the signing. “We need to be the state of yes and now.” Five guiding principles The executive order lays out five core priorities for state housing policy: Use state land for housing . Agencies must identify surplus properties and land near transit stations that can be converted into new housing developments. Cut red tape. State permitting processes will be streamlined, with new rules allowing third-party reviewers to accelerate approvals. Strengthen partnerships. A new State Housing Ombudsman will serve as a liaison to help coordinate projects between state agencies, local governments, and developers. Set clear goals. By January 2026, the state will publish housing production targets for each county and update them every five years. Incentivize affordable housing. Jurisdictions that meet housing targets or pass pro-housing policies will be recognized with new Maryland Housing Leadership Awards, making them more competitive for state funding. Speed as the priority State officials said the new framework is focused on cutting delays that can hold back projects for years. By digitizing applications, engaging multiple agencies simultaneously, and allowing outside reviewers, the state aims to expedite project completion while upholding environmental and community standards. What could this mean for us on the Eastern Shore? Moore acknowledged that housing affordability consistently ranks as Marylanders’ No. 1 concern. For young people in particular, high costs and long commutes are major reasons they leave the state. The order seeks to reverse that trend, tying housing growth to job creation and transit access. On the Eastern Shore , where rental availability and starter homes are limited, Moore’s order could open opportunities for mixed-use, transit-oriented projects on state-owned land, as well as accelerate approval for affordable housing initiatives backed by nonprofits and local developers. What comes next The Department of Housing and Community Development will publish the state’s first set of production targets by Jan. 1, 2026, followed by annual progress reports starting in 2027. Agencies have until March 2026 to implement many of the new permitting and funding acceleration rules. Moore framed the executive order as a generational investment. “Making housing more affordable is not just about building shelter, it’s about building a legacy,” he said.
Sen. Angela Alsobrooks (D-Md.) has intensified her calls for Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. to step down, releasing a detailed report that she says proves his tenure has been a disaster for American families. The first senator to demand Kennedy’s resignation in May, Alsobrooks joined Senate Finance Committee Ranking Member Ron Wyden (D-Ore.) in unveiling a 54-page report that chronicles what they describe as the “costly, chaotic, and corrupt” record of Kennedy’s first 203 days at the department. Released before Kennedy’s Senate hearing last week, the report outlines examples of alleged mismanagement for each day since he was sworn in on Feb. 13. “Robert Kennedy’s tenure as America’s chief health officer has been higher costs, more chaos, and boundless corruption,” Wyden said. “His actions are endangering children, leaving parents confused and scared, and forcing families and taxpayers to pay more for their health care.” Echoing that assessment, Alsobrooks cited testimony from scientists at the National Institutes of Health in Maryland who she says have watched critical cancer research grind to a halt under Kennedy’s leadership. “His actions are increasing Americans’ health care costs, causing chaos, and furthering the Trump administration’s endless stream of corruption,” she said. The report argues that Kennedy has: Driven up costs by backing the Trump administration’s budget plan, which Alsobrooks says strips health coverage from 15 million Americans while handing tax breaks to the wealthy and corporations. Created chaos by dismantling HHS programs, undermining research institutions, and promoting vaccine misinformation. Engaged in corruption by using the office to advance personal and family financial interests, particularly around limiting vaccine access. Public Citizen, a consumer advocacy group, praised Alsobrooks’ leadership. “President Trump and Senate Republicans made a grievous error when entrusting Kennedy with our nation’s health,” the group said in. “It is far past time that President Trump rectifies this error by firing Kennedy before more lives are unnecessarily put at risk.” Alsobrooks appeared on the Morning Joe TV show on to discuss the findings and to reiterate her demand that Kennedy resign or be removed. “This is about protecting families and protecting science,” she said. “Our nation’s health system cannot afford another day under Robert Kennedy’s reckless watch.” As a community organizer, journalist, administrator, project planner/manager, and consultant, Gren Whitman has led neighborhood, umbrella, public interest, and political committees and groups, and worked for civil rights and anti-war organizations.
Wicomico County leaders have announced plans to move forward with the federal government’s controversial 287(g) program, entering into an agreement with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) that would deputize local officers to serve immigration warrants inside the county jail. Under the model selected, known as the Warrant Service Officer program, specially trained deputies at the detention center would be allowed to serve civil immigration warrants on individuals already in custody. County Executive Julie Giordano and Sheriff Mike Lewis emphasized that deputies would not conduct street-level immigration enforcement. “Public safety is our top responsibility,” Giordano said. “The Warrant Service Officer program provides our sheriff’s office with the tools they need to address individuals already in custody who may pose a risk to our community at no additional cost to the county.” Lewis added that the program “gives our deputies the ability to safely and lawfully carry out their duties while ensuring that Wicomico County remains a secure place to live, work, and raise a family.” Community pushback The announcement drew swift opposition from civil rights and community organizations, including the ACLU of Maryland, the Wicomico NAACP, and local grassroots groups such as Crabs on the Shore, who have warned that the agreement will harm immigrant families, sow fear, and erode trust between residents and law enforcement. Opponents also criticized the process, arguing that the decision was rushed through without meaningful public input despite repeated calls for hearings. “This is being framed as an administrative detail, but it has huge consequences for our neighbors,” one advocate said. Concerns about cost and precedent Supporters of the WSO model have emphasized that the partnership comes “at no additional cost” to Wicomico taxpayers, but critics point out that other jurisdictions have found otherwise. Anne Arundel County canceled its own 287(g) agreement, citing high costs and community backlash. The Camden Police Department in Delaware withdrew from a similar partnership after public protests in May. Advocates note that the federal government does not fully reimburse counties for the time, training, and legal exposure associated with 287(g) programs, leaving local taxpayers to shoulder hidden expenses. First on Delmarva If finalized, Wicomico County would become the first government or police agency on the Delmarva Peninsula to formally enter into a 287(g) agreement with ICE. Supporters say that distinction demonstrates a commitment to accountability and public safety. Opponents warn it risks branding the county as hostile to immigrant communities that have long been central to the Shore’s workforce, particularly in poultry processing and agriculture. The county’s decision comes amid a broader national debate about local involvement in federal immigration enforcement, with critics warning that partnerships like 287(g) make communities less safe by discouraging victims and witnesses from coming forward. For now, the final agreement is pending federal approval. But with strong opposition already mobilized, the fight over Wicomico’s new partnership is likely only beginning.
Wicomico County Republicans have moved forward with an agreement to join the federal 287(g) program, aligning the county with the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE). County Executive Julie Giordano and Sheriff Mike Lewis are backing the program to train county officers at the detention center to help ICE identify non-citizens for deportation proceedings. The agreement has triggered strong pushback from immigrant advocates, civil rights groups, and community leaders who warn that this partnership will erode trust between residents and law enforcement, risk racial profiling, and allot local tax dollars to assist federal immigration enforcement. Yet amid the growing controversy, the Wicomico County Democratic Central Committee has issued no response to the ICE agreement, even as residents voice frustration that the Democratic establishment’s silence has ceded the conversation to Republicans. Moreover, the Central Committee has remained silent with regard to recent comments by Democratic Councilwoman April Jackson, who told the Washington Post that the poultry industry should reduce its reliance on immigrant workers. Jackson also said, “a lot of Americans aren’t employed because the Haitians are taking our jobs.” Jackson’s remarks have drawn widespread criticism from immigrant advocates. For many residents, the Democratic leadership’s silence is as much of a concern as the county government’s new partnership with ICE. As the county waits for federal approval of the 287(g) agreement, the absence of a Democratic counterweight has left immigrant families and community organizers to carry the opposition on their own.
With speculation mounting that Delegate Sheree Sample-Hughes (D-37A) may run for County Executive for Wicomico County in 2026, the longtime Eastern Shore lawmaker will headline a Community Conversation in Dorchester County on Sept. 17 at 6 pm. Sponsored by the Eastern Shore Democrats, the event will give residents the opportunity to hear Sample-Hughes speak about local priorities — schools, public safety, health care access, and economic development in the mid-Shore. Sample-Hughes, former Speaker Pro Tem of the Maryland House of Delegates, has represented portions of Wicomico and Dorchester counties for more than a decade. Her record includes bipartisan work on district projects, as well as efforts to expand health services and invest in infrastructure. Although organizers emphasize that the Sept. 17 gathering is not a campaign event, the timing has fueled interest. Political observers note that any appearance by Sample-Hughes will be closely watched as Democrats weigh potential challengers for County Executive in the upcoming cycle. The forum will include remarks from the delegate, followed by a question-and-answer session. Seating is available first-come, first-served and residents from across the Shore are encouraged to attend. Key details What: Community Conversation with Del. Sheree Sample-Hughes When: Sept. 17, 6 pm Where: Dorchester County, venue to be announced by organizers. Format: Remarks followed by audience Q&A Before her election to the House of Delegates, Sample-Hughes served on the Wicomico County Council. Should she enter the county executive race, many believe she would be a serious challenger to Republican incumbent Julie Giordano.
