Owners of Enslaved Persons on the Eastern Shore Who Served in the Maryland Legislature and in the U.S. Congress, Part 3

George Shivers • April 13, 2022

Article 24, Declaration of Rights, Maryland Constitution of 1864. Image: Maryland State Archives


This is the last of three articles about Eastern Shore owners of enslaved persons who served in the Maryland legislature and in the U.S. Congress. Part 1 covered the Lower Shore counties. Part 2 described the Mid-Shore counties. This article covers 14 enslavers who lived in the Upper Shore counties of Queen Anne’s, Kent, and Cecil.

 

  1. Ezekiel Forman Chambers (1788-1867), Kent
  2. John Angel Creswell (1828-1891), Cecil
  3. Levin Gale (1784-1834), Cecil
  4. Hart Benton Holton (1835-1907), Cecil
  5. Hiram McCullough (1813-1885), Cecil
  6. George Edward Mitchell (1781-1832), Cecil
  7. Joseph Hopper Nicholson (1770-1817), Kent
  8. James Alfred Pearson (1805-1862), Kent
  9. Philip Reed (1760-1829), Kent
  10. Samuel Ringgold (1770-1829), Kent
  11. Joshua Seney (1756-1798), Queen Anne’s
  12. Joshua Van Sant (1803-1884), Kent
  13. George Vickers (1801-1879), Kent
  14. Robert Wright (1752-1826), Queen Anne’s

 

The names of these politicians are taken from a Washington Post project to identify enslavers.
 

Ezekiel Forman Chambers. Image: Wikimedia Commons


Ezekiel Forman Chambers

 

Born in Chestertown, Kent County, in 1788, Ezekiel Forman Chambers graduated from Washington College in 1805, was admitted to the Maryland bar in 1808, and established a practice in his hometown. He served in the War of 1812, becoming a brigadier general after the war. In 1822, he was elected to the Maryland Senate and was then elected to the U.S. Senate, from which he resigned in 1834. Chambers then served as presiding judge of the Second Judicial Circuit of Maryland Court of Appeals until 1851.

 

Chambers enslaved as many as 54 persons; his son, however, claimed he was an abolitionist.

 

During his time as a judge, he represented Maryland in a landmark case in defense of slavery. In that case, Edward Prigg was trying to retrieve alleged fugitives from across the Mason-Dixon Line. The Supreme Court in 1842 sided with the rights of enslavers to their property, establishing Chambers’s role as a major figure in the political debates about slavery. In 1858, he played an active role in the expulsion of Kent County resident James L. Bowers from his home. Bowers was rumored to be involved in abolitionist activities and Chambers ruled the local mob was justified in tarring and feathering him and chasing him out of town.

 

In 1864, Chambers lost his bid to be elected as Maryland’s governor. At that time, he still owned several enslaved persons, even though the new Maryland constitution of that same year abolished slavery. He died in 1867 and is interred in the Chester Cemetery.

 

Hiram McCullough. Photo: Wikipedia


Hiram McCullough

 

Born in Elkton in Cecil County in 1813, Hiram McCullough studied at Elkton Academy, was admitted to the Maryland bar in 1837, and practiced in Elkton. From 1845 to 1851, he served in the Maryland Senate. After running for U.S. Congress in 1850 and losing, he was appointed as one of the codifiers of the laws of Maryland. Elected as a Democrat to Congress, he served until 1869. He then resumed his law practice and for many years was counsel for the Philadelphia, Wilmington, and Baltimore Railroad.

 

He was a delegate to the Democratic National Convention in 1864 and in 1868. In 1880 and 1881, he was a delegate in the Maryland General Assembly and was elected as Speaker of the House. He died in Elkton in 1885 and was interred in the Presbyterian Cemetery.

 

McCullough owned two male slaves in 1860, ages 30 and 35.

 

Philip Reed. Image: U.S. House of Representatives


Philip Reed

 

Philip Reed was born in Kent County near Chestertown in 1760. He served in the Revolutionary Army and reached the rank of captain. In 1787, he served in the Maryland House of Delegates. From 1791 to 1794, he was sheriff of Kent County. He was elected as a Democratic Republican to the U.S. Senate in 1806; reelected the same year, he served until 1813.

 

He was a lieutenant colonel in the Maryland militia during the War of 1812. Subsequently, Reed was elected to the U.S. House of Representatives and served from 1817 to 1819. He was elected for another term, 1822 to 1823. He died in 1829 and was buried in the Christ Church cemetery near Chestertown.

 

In 1800, Reed owned 10 enslaved people. That number had increased to 23 in 1820. At the time of his death, according to the 1830 census, he owned four enslaved persons.

 

Samuel Ringgold. Image: U.S. National Park Service


Samuel Ringgold

 

Samuel Ringgold was born in Chestertown in 1770, but moved to Washington County, where he farmed and served on the vestry of St. John’s Church in Hagerstown. He was elected to the Maryland House of Delegates in 1795, and later served in the state Senate (1801-1806). From March 1817 to 1821, he served in the U.S. House of Representatives. After leaving Congress, he returned to his estate, Fountain Rock. He died in Frederick and is interred in Fountain Rock Cemetery, near Hagerstown. In 1820, Ringgold was the owner of 28 enslaved people.



George Vickers. Image: Govtrack.us


George Vickers

 

Born in Chestertown in 1801, George Vickers was employed by the Kent County clerk’s office for several years. He was admitted to the Maryland bar in 1832 and established a practice in Chestertown. He served as a major general in the Maryland militia during the Civil War. One of his four sons fought in the Union Army; a second fought in the Confederate army and was killed at Shiloh.

 

A Democrat, Vickers was a U.S. senator from Maryland from 1868 to 1873. He reportedly rushed to Washington from Chestertown to cast his vote against President Andrew Johnson’s impeachment.

 

In 1870, he led the effort by southern Democrats to block the swearing-in of Sen. Hiram Revels of Mississippi, the first Black member of that body. Vickers argued the Dred Scott decision meant Revels had only been a citizen for two years, since the Fourteenth Amendment was ratified, and not the nine years required by the Constitution. The Senate voted down this objection, and Revels was sworn in.

 

After his Senate term, Vickers resumed his law practice and died in Chestertown in 1879. His remains are interred in the Chester Cemetery.

 

According to the 1860 Slave Schedule (population schedules used in the 1850 and 1860 Federal Censuses), Vickers enslaved eight persons, including two boys and one man, and three girls and one woman.

 

Robert Wright. Image: U.S. Senate Historical Office


Robert Wright

 

Robert Wright was born in Queen Anne’s County in 1752. He was admitted to the Maryland bar in 1773 and began his practice in Chestertown. He served during the Revolutionary War, first as a private, then as a lieutenant, and eventually as a captain.

 

From 1784 to 1786, he served in the Maryland House of Delegates, and in the state Senate in 1801. He was elected as a Democratic Republican to the U.S. Senate in 1801 and served there until 1806. From 1806 to 1809, he was governor of Maryland. In 1810, he was clerk of Queen Anne’s County.

 

Wright served in the U.S. House of Representatives from 1810 to 1817. He was subsequently reelected and served from 1821 to 1823. Then, until his death in 1826, Wright was district judge of the lower Eastern Shore district. He was buried in the private burying ground of the DeCourcy family in Queen Anne’s County.

 

In 1820, Wright enslaved 20 persons, including 11 boys and young men, one man, four girls and young women, and three women.

 

John Andrew Jackson Creswell. Image: Brady-Handy Photographic Collection


John Andrew Jackson Creswell (mistakenly given the name John Angel Creswell in some sources)

 

Born in Creswell’s Ferry (now Port Deposit) in Cecil County in 1828, John Creswell is something of an enigma. First, there is a mistaken version of his name and second, he appears on a list of enslavers who served in the Maryland and U.S. legislatures.

 

Yet in all my research, Creswell is presented as an abolitionist by conviction who contributed in significant ways to that cause. One source suggests that he came to his abolitionist ideas somewhat late, which may explain why he has also been identified as an enslaver earlier in his life.

 

Even though it isn’t appropriate to discuss him further in the context of this article, I will address his interesting career in a future article.

 

 

Sources:

More than 1700 congressmen once enslaved Black people. This is who they were, and how they shaped the nation. Julie Zauzmer Weil, Adrian Blanco, and Leo Dominguez. Washington Post, Jan. 10, 2022.

https://www.washingtonpost.com/history/interactive/2022/congress-slaveowners-names-list/?itid=ap_juliezauzmerweil

 

Biographical Directory of the U.S. Congress, 1774-present

https://bioguideretro.congress.gov/Home/MemberDetails?memIndex=W000768

 

American Abolitionists and Antislavery Activists: Conscience of the Nation

http://americanabolitionists.com/anti-slavery-political-leaders.html#Congressional%20Reps%20Who%20Opposed%20Slavery

 

Wikipedia, John Creswell

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John_Creswell

 

Wikipedia, William Hindman

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/William_Hindman

 

Wikipedia, John Leeds Kerr

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John_Leeds_Kerr

 

Wikipedia, Hiram McCullough

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hiram_McCullough

 

History, Art, & Archives, U.S. House of Representatives, Philip Reed

https://history.house.gov/People/Listing/R/REED,-Philip-(R000125)/

 

Find a Grave, George Vickers

https://www.findagrave.com/memorial/7954973/george-vickers

 

Wikipedia, George Vickers

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_Vickers

 

InfoPlease, Robert Wright

https://www.infoplease.com/biographies/government-politics/robert-wright-md

 

 

A native of Wicomico County, George Shivers holds a doctorate from the University of Maryland and taught in the Foreign Language Dept. of Washington College for 38 years before retiring in 2007. He is also very interested in the history and culture of the Eastern Shore, African American history in particular.

 

Common Sense for the Eastern Shore

By John Christie December 16, 2025
When I practiced law, much of my litigation involved issues arising under federal antitrust laws. The Department of Justice (DOJ) was my frequent adversary in court. In some cases, DOJ challenged a client’s conduct as anticompetitive. In others, they claimed an intended client merger would create a monopoly. Some of these DOJ court battles were won, others were not. Overall, I had great respect for DOJ lawyers. They were professional, well prepared, and dedicated to their mission of seeing justice done. They were courteous, honest, and forthright with the courts before which we argued our cases. In those days, without resorting to social media or press conferences, the DOJ spoke entirely through its court filings. Although as an advocate I took issue with various DOJ investigatory decisions as well as decisions to initiate litigation, I never thought politics was involved. Post-Watergate internal rules strictly limited communication with any figures at the White House. Not so, it seems, anymore. Beginning last January 20, all of this changed rapidly and spectacularly . On March 14, Trump triumphantly arrived at the main DOJ building in D.C. to be welcomed by a group of carefully selected VIPs. He was greeted by Pam Bondi, his chosen new attorney general, who exclaimed, “We are so proud to work at the directive (sic) of Donald Trump.” Bondi’s boast that the DOJ now worked at the president’s behest was something never said before and, in effect, surrendered the department’s long and proud independence. And Bondi’s comment was not an empty gesture. As chronicled by reporters Carol Leonnig and Aaron Davis in their new book, Injustice: How Politics and Fear Vanquished America’s Justice Department , within hours of being sworn in, Trump and his lieutenants began punishing those at the Justice Department who had investigated him or those he considered his political enemies. Career attorneys with years of experience under many administrations were fired or reassigned to lesser work, or they resigned. As Leonnig and Davis report, what followed was “the wholesale overthrow of the Justice Department as Trump insert[ed] his dutiful former defense attorneys and 2020 election deniers atop the department.” [Source: Injustice , p. xix.] In the place of years of experience, the new team appears credentialed simply by loyalty to the president’s causes. The DOJ’s conduct in court has since caused damage to judicial and public faith in the integrity and competence of the department. Just Security is an independent, non-partisan, daily digital law and policy journal housed in the Reiss Center on Law and Security at the New York University School of Law. Since January 20, it has documented federal judicial concerns about DOJ conduct. In 26 cases, judges raised questions about DOJ non-compliance with judicial orders and in more than 60 cases, judges expressed distrust of government-provided information and representations. This count was taken the day after a federal court dismissed the DOJ cases against former FBI Director James Comey and New York Attorney General Letitia James. [Source: Just Security , “The ‘Presumption of Regularity’ in Trump Administration Litigation,” Nov. 20, 2025.] As summarized by the Georgetown Law Center’s Steve Vladeck, “It’s one thing for the Department of Justice to so transparently pursue a politically motivated prosecution. But this one has been beset from the get-go with errors that remotely competent law students wouldn’t make. Indeed, it seems a virtual certainty that the Keystone Kops-like behavior of the relevant government lawyers can be traced directly to the political pressure to bring this case; there’s a reason why no prosecutors with more experience, competence, or integrity were willing to take it on.” [Source: One First , Nov. 24, 2025.] Rather than accept criticism and instead of trying to do better, Bondi’s DOJ and the Trump administration lash out in a fashion apparently aimed at demeaning the federal judiciary. At a recent Federalist Society’s National Lawyers Convention, Deputy Attorney General Todd Blanche, one of Trump’s former defense attorneys, attributed the Trump administration’s myriad losses in the lower federal courts to “rogue activist judges.” He added, “There’s a group of judges that are repeat players, and that’s obviously not by happenstance, that’s intentional, and it’s a war, man.” Deputy Chief of Staff Stephen Miller decries each adverse ruling against the Trump administration as just part of a broader “judicial insurrection.” Not to be left behind, Trump himself regularly complains of “radical left lunatic” judges. In addition to the harm these comments inflict on the federal courts, their premise is simply not true. According to a survey by Vladeck, as of Nov. 14, there were 204 cases in which federal district courts have ruled on requests for preliminary relief against the Trump administration. In 154 of them, district judges granted either a temporary restraining order, a preliminary injunction, or both. Those 154 rulings came from 121 district judges appointed by seven presidents (including President Trump) in 29 district courts. In the 154 cases with rulings adverse to the Trump administration, 41 were presided over by 30 Republican-appointed judges, fully half of whom were appointed by President Trump. No, it is no longer your grandfather’s Department of Justice. John Christie was for many years a senior partner in a large Washington, D.C. law firm. He specialized in anti-trust litigation and developed a keen interest in the U.S. Supreme Court about which he lectures and writes.
By CSES Staff December 16, 2025
The Salisbury City Council has appointed longtime public servant Melissa D. Holland to fill the vacancy in District 2. Holland was selected on Dec. 1 after the council reviewed several applicants. A 27-year resident of Salisbury, Holland brings more than 20 years of experience in government, education, and administration. As executive assistant to the president of the University of Maryland Center for Environmental Science, she currently oversees operations, budgeting, communications, and planning. Before joining UMCES, Holland worked for nearly 11 years with the Wicomico County Council, gaining extensive experience in legislative procedure, constituent services, research, and budget preparation. Her background includes positions with the Wicomico County Board of Education, the State of Maryland’s Holly Center, and multiple early-learning programs. Approved by a 3-1 council vote, Holland was selected based on her administrative expertise and long-standing community involvement. (Salisbury’s City Council is now comprised of only women.) She has a bachelor’s degree in legal studies from Post University and an associate degree from Wor-Wic Community College. She has also served as PTA president at East Salisbury Elementary and Wicomico Middle School. In her application, Holland emphasized her commitment to maintaining transparency in city government and ensuring that District 2 residents remain informed and represented. “I plan to be well-informed on the issues that matter to the citizens of Salisbury and to listen to their concerns carefully,” she wrote. “I want to make a positive and lasting impact on our city.” Holland’s appointment restores the City Council to full membership as it faces debates over budgeting, infrastructure planning, and local governance initiatives. She is expected to begin constituent outreach immediately and participate fully in the selection of the next council president.
By CSES Staff November 4, 2025
Voters in Hurlock have delivered sweeping changes in this year’s municipal election, as Republican and GOP-aligned candidates won key races there. The results mark a setback for Democrats and a significant political shift in a community that has historically leaned Democratic in state and federal contests. The outcome underscores how local organizing and turnout strategies can have an outsized impact in small-town elections. Analysts also suggest that long-term party engagement in municipal contests could shape voter alignment in future county and state races. Political analysts warn that ignoring municipal elections and ceding them to the GOP could hurt the Maryland Democratic Party in statewide politics. Turnout increased by approximately 17% compared with the 2021 municipal election, reflecting heightened local interest in the mayoral and council races. Incumbent Mayor Charles Cephas, a Democrat, was soundly defeated by At-Large Councilmember Earl Murphy, who won with roughly 230 votes to Cephas’s 144. In the At-Large Council race, Jeff Smith, an independent candidate backed by local Republicans, secured a 15-point win over Cheyenne Chase. In District 2, Councilmember Bonnie Franz, a Republican, was re-elected by 40 percentage points over challenger Zia Ashraf, who previously served on the Dorchester Democratic Central Committee. The only Democrat to retain a seat on the council was David Higgins, who was unopposed. The Maryland Republican Party invested resources and campaign attention in the Hurlock race, highlighting it on statewide social media and dispatching party officials, including Maryland GOP Chair Nicole Beus Harris, to campaign. Local Democrats emphasized support for Mayor Cephas through the Dorchester County Democratic Central Committee, but the Maryland Democratic Party did not appear to participate directly.
By CSES Staff November 4, 2025
In what political observers are calling a clear break from Maryland’s moderate Republican establishment, Wicomico County Executive Julie Giordano chose former Gov. Bob Ehrlich — not former Gov. Larry Hogan — as the guest of honor at her re-election fundraiser in late October. Billed as Giordano’s annual Harvest Party, her event drew conservative activists from across the lower Eastern Shore and featured Ehrlich as keynote speaker. This was immediately read by insiders as a signal that Giordano will embrace the party’s right-wing base ahead of 2026, distancing herself from Hogan’s more centrist, bipartisan image. “Bringing in Bob Ehrlich instead of Larry Hogan wasn’t accidental,” one longtime Republican strategist said. “It shows Giordano wants to plant her flag with the MAGA-aligned wing of the party, the same voters who now dominate Maryland’s Republican primary base.” Hogan, who has hinted at another run for governor, was notably absent from this year’s Tawes Crab and Clam Bake in Somerset County, a high-profile gathering long considered essential for statewide contenders. Coupled with Giordano’s public alignment with Ehrlich, Hogan’s absence has fueled speculation that his influence within Maryland’s GOP is slipping. Those doubts were amplified by new polling data. A statewide survey commissioned by the Baltimore Banner found Gov. Wes Moore (D) leading Hogan 45% to 37% in a hypothetical 2026 matchup, with 14% undecided. The poll, conducted by phone and web from Oct. 7–10 among more than 900 registered voters, carries a margin of error of 3.2 percentage points. The results suggest that while Hogan remains popular among moderates and independents, Moore continues to hold a firm advantage statewide, particularly among Democrats and younger voters. Giordano’s decision to align herself with Ehrlich rather than Hogan further illustrates the ideological divide defining Maryland Republicans heading into 2026. As the party drifts further to the right, analysts say Hogan’s brand of pragmatic centrism may no longer have a natural home in today’s GOP. For now, Ehrlich’s appearance in Salisbury is being seen as a symbolic moment, one that cements Giordano’s status as a leading figure in the state’s Trump-aligned movement and underscores how quickly the political winds have shifted. For Hogan, once seen as the Republican best positioned to reclaim the governor’s office, that shift may mark the end of an era.
By Jan Plotczyk November 4, 2025
Can Maryland create a new congressional map that will flip the state’s sole Republican district to the Democrats? Gov. Wes Moore has created a Governor's Redistricting Advisory Commission to consider mid-cycle redistricting and Maryland has jumped into the redistricting fray. The commission will conduct public hearings, solicit public feedback, and present recommendations to the governor and Maryland General Assembly. “My commitment has been clear from day one — we will explore every avenue possible to make sure Maryland has fair and representative maps,” said Moore. “And we also need to make sure that, if the president of the United States is putting his finger on the scale to try to manipulate elections because he knows that his policies cannot win in a ballot box, then it behooves each and every one of us to be able to keep all options on the table to ensure that the voters’ voices can actually be heard .” Moore’s commission is one of those options — a response to Trump’s call to Republican-led states to create more GOP House districts before the 2026 midterm elections. Three GOP states — Texas, Missouri, and North Carolina — have completed a Trump gerrymander for a gain of seven seats and three more states — Indiana, Utah, and Ohio — could create new maps with a total of four additional Republican seats. That would make 11, should they withstand challenges. Democratic-led states made a lot of noise at first about countering these GOP efforts, but only California and Virginia have campaigns for new maps underway. California wants to flip five seats and Virginia hopes for up to four. Optimistically, that could add up to as many as nine. Maryland’s goal would be to add one Democratic seat. Other states on both sides could soon follow, in some cases taking advantage of existing redistricting deadlines or ongoing litigation. Maryland State Senate President Bill Ferguson (D-Balto City) is not in favor of mid-cycle redistricting, calling it too dicey. “Simply put, it is too risky and jeopardizes Maryland’s ability to fight against the radical Trump administration. At a time where every seat in Congress matters, the potential for ceding yet another one to Republicans here in Maryland is simply too great,” Ferguson wrote in a letter to Senate Democrats. Rep. Andrew P. Harris (R-MD01), whose district would be targeted by redistricting, called the effort "the most partisan thing you could do." He whined, “It just wouldn’t be fair.” Harris warned that any redistricting could backfire on the Democrats. “We will take this to court, it will go as high as necessary, and in the end, a judge could draw a map that actually has two or three Republican congressmen,” Harris said. “I’d caution the Democrats, be careful what you wish for.” Harris and his wife, Maryland GOP Chair Nicole Beus Harris, have perhaps already worked out a strategy. The Governor’s Redistricting Advisory Commission, last constituted by Gov. Martin O’Malley in 2011, will begin its work this month. The five-member commission includes: Chair: Senator Angela Alsobrooks Senate President Bill Ferguson or designee Speaker Adrienne A. Jones or designee Former Attorney General Brian Frosh Cumberland Mayor Ray Morriss “We have a president that treats our democracy with utter contempt. We have a Republican party that is trying to rig the rules in response to their terrible polling,” said Sen. Alsobrooks. “Let me be clear: Maryland deserves a fair map that represents the will of the people. That’s why I’m proud to chair this commission. Our democracy depends on all of us standing up in this moment.” Will Maryland’s First District finally be competitive? Can we at long last replace “AWOL Andy” Harris? Stay tuned…. Jan Plotczyk spent 25 years as a survey and education statistician with the federal government, at the Census Bureau and the National Center for Education Statistics. She retired to Rock Hall.
By CSES Staff November 4, 2025
In strong numbers, local residents turned out last month for a community information session on offshore wind hosted by the Alliance for Offshore Wind at the Ocean Pines library. The forum heard from industry experts, environmental advocates, and labor leaders to discuss how offshore wind projects can support jobs, clean energy, and coastal resilience along Maryland’s Eastern Shore. Featured were Sam Saluto of Oceantic, Jim Strong of the United Steelworkers, Ron Larsen of Sea Ink Solutions, and Jim Brown of the Audubon Society, all of whom emphasized the long-term environmental and economic benefits of wind development off Maryland’s coast. Speakers outlined how the project, once completed, is expected to create hundreds of high-paying jobs, generate clean power for tens of thousands of homes, and reduce reliance on fossil fuels that cause pollution and coastal erosion. “The potential here is extraordinary,” said Saluto, highlighting Oceantic’s ongoing work to ensure safety and sustainability standards remain at the highest level. “We’re not just talking about wind turbines. We’re talking about revitalizing local economies and protecting the Shore’s way of life.” Union representative Jim Strong echoed that sentiment, noting that Maryland’s labor community sees offshore wind as a chance to rebuild domestic manufacturing capacity while giving workers access to strong wages and long-term stability. Environmental voices, including Jim Brown of the Audubon Society, focused on how properly sited wind projects can reduce carbon emissions while coexisting with marine wildlife and migratory bird patterns. While most of the evening centered on data and community questions, the event briefly turned tense when Ocean City Mayor Rick Meehan, who is leading a lawsuit challenging Maryland’s offshore wind plans, attempted to question the panel. The mayor appeared to lose his train of thought mid-sentence and later cast doubt on the reality of climate change, drawing visible concern from several attendees. Meehan, a New Yorker who moved to Ocean City in 1971 and has held public office since 1985, has become one of the region’s most vocal opponents of offshore wind. His critics argue the lawsuit represents an effort to stall progress rather than engage with the facts presented by energy, labor, and environmental experts. Despite the brief exchange, the overall tone of the evening was forward-looking. Residents lingered after the formal discussion to review informational materials, speak with industry representatives, and learn about opportunities for community involvement. For many, the message was clear: Maryland’s transition to clean energy is not only feasible, it’s already underway, and the Eastern Shore stands to benefit.
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