We Can’t and Shouldn’t Turn the Clock Back, But…

Many, perhaps most, people here on the Eastern Shore, especially the large number of Republicans, don’t realize how important immigrants have become to our local agricultural economy, as well as to our seafood industry. Without the presence of immigrants, largely from El Salvador, Guatemala, and Haiti, our economy would flounder. That’s why it’s important to look at how the candidates in the November 5 election stand on that issue. I. House of Representatives Republican Congressman Andrew P. Harris has made statements condemning immigrants who enter the country illegally, but as a member of Congress for years has made no effort to support efforts to make legal immigration easier. This is not surprising given his strong support for Trump and the MAGA agenda. He did vote for the Secure the Border Act of 2023, which, among other things, would have forced the Biden administration to restart construction of a border wall, increase the number of Border Patrol agents, and provide bonus pay, but would have done nothing to facilitate legal immigration. Andrew P. Harris’s Democratic opponent, Blane Miller, was formerly a Republican himself, but has taken a more enlightened position on immigration. His website includes the following statement: “First, economic growth relies on a dynamic workforce, and immigrants contribute significantly to innovation, entrepreneurship, and productivity.” He goes on to say that refugees and vulnerable populations seek protection, that a well-regulated immigration system allows the U.S. to fulfill its humanitarian obligations, and that legal avenues for employers to access skilled workers are essential for sustained economic prosperity. II. The Senate The candidates in Maryland’s Senate race are Democrat Angela Alsobrooks and Republican Larry Hogan. Angela Alsobrooks, as state’s attorney for Prince George’s County, strongly supported legislation to allow undocumented immigrants to obtain driver’s licenses. She was also vocal in her support of the Maryland Dream Act. As county executive she instructed the County Department of Corrections to notify U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) only in cases where an undocumented immigrant was arrested and charged with gang-related or violent criminal offenses. She was opposed to deportation for minor offenses such as speeding tickets. If elected to the Senate, she pledges to be a strong advocate of comprehensive immigration reform, including creating a pathway to citizenship for those already living and working in the U.S. She will also support legislation in support of Dreamers, believing that these persons “deserve certainty and security.” For more on Alsobrook’s views on immigration, see her website . Immigration doesn’t seem to be a big issue in the campaign of former Maryland Governor Larry Hogan. He has stated , however, that he decided to enter the race when Republicans in the Senate killed the bipartisan border bill under orders from Donald Trump. In an op-ed he wrote for the Washington Post on July 9, 2024, Hogan expressed strong condemnation of Project 2025, which is Machiavellian on the subject of immigration and which is strongly supported by Trump. As governor, Hogan vetoed an immigration bill introduced by Delegate Vaughn M. Stewart (D-19), that would have required that counties that have agreements with ICE to jail detainees to end their contracts. Hogan argued that local law enforcement should “fully cooperate with federal law enforcement.” He vetoed another bill to limit cooperation with federal authorities (House Bill 23). The candidate’s campaign website presents no official statement on immigration. (In fact, there was a paucity of statements on issues in general.) III. The Presidency In the presidential election, Democrat Kamala Harris faces off with Donald Trump, who can’t wait to declare himself dictator and who already had a disastrous term as president, ending with his leading a mass attack on the U.S. Capitol. Kamala Harris just came out of the Democratic National Convention, where she and her running mate, Tim Walz, delivered uplifting speeches accepting their nominations, bringing an unprecedented level of excitement and joy to the crowd. The daughter of immigrants herself, Kamala has a long history of supporting immigrant communities. As state’s attorney in San Francisco from 2004 to 2010, she went after abusive employers and encouraged immigrants to feel safe when dealing with law enforcement. She has supported legislation that would provide a path to citizenship to undocumented immigrants, and she supported Biden’s Bipartisan Border Security Bill in 2021. Of her work as California’s attorney general, she said recently at a campaign event in Georgia: “I went after transnational gangs, drug cartels, and human traffickers that came into our country illegally,” and added, “I prosecuted them in case after case, and I won.” President Biden gave her the mission of overseeing diplomatic efforts in Central America, also in 2021. She brought together the Partnership for Central America to act as liaison between companies and the U.S. Government. This effort has led to job creation in the region, and some experts have saluted her ability to secure private sector investments in the region. Harris visited the border with Mexico in 2021, and declared that “This issue cannot be reduced to a political issue. We’re talking about children; we’re talking about families; we’re talking about suffering.” The Republican Party platform, on which one assumes Trump is basing his campaign, was published in July. It was developed by Trump’s campaign in conjunction with the Republican National Committee. Its priorities on immigration are succinct: “Seal the border and stop the migrant invasion.” The platform promises to restore all the border policies of the previous Trump administration, including finishing his long-promised border wall and moving troops now overseas to the border. “Carry out the largest deportation operation in American history.” It should be noted in this context that 1.1 million immigrants have been deported so far during the Biden administration, while 1.5 million were deported during Trump’s term. “Stop the migrant crime epidemic, demolish the foreign drug cartels, crush gang violence, and lock up violent offenders.” According to the Brennan Center for Justice , the data doesn’t support the claim that the U.S. is experiencing a surge in crime caused by immigrants. They cite one study that found that undocumented immigrants are 33% less likely to be jailed than those born in the U.S. “Stop sanctuary cities.” “Ensure that the legal immigration system puts American workers first.” IV. Conclusions The candidates of both parties express the view that border security is essential, but it appears to be of the highest priority for Andrew P. Harris and Donald Trump. For Hogan’s Senate campaign, it appears not to be an important issue at all, despite the importance of immigrants in our state’s economy. None of the candidates seem to be acknowledging the realities our country, including the Eastern Shore, face in the 21st century, namely that: Our native-born citizens are aging and thereby contributing less to the national economy The native birth rate has been steadily dropping for some time now As a result, there are fewer citizens available to do the jobs U.S. natives are unwilling to do manual labor and are happy to hand those jobs to immigrants In view of the above, the Trump proposal for a massive deportation of undocumented immigrants not only makes no sense, but also undermines national security. Until there is legislation passed that facilitates legal immigration, especially from our neighbors to the south, we will have to continue to depend on those brave, and often desperate, people who continue to come without proper documentation. A native of Wicomico County, George Shivers holds a doctorate from the University of Maryland and taught in the Foreign Language Dept. of Washington College for 38 years before retiring in 2007. He is also very interested in the history and culture of the Eastern Shore, African American history in particular. 

The Right to Reproductive Freedom Amendment will be Question 1 on our ballots in Maryland this November. To include and preserve reproductive freedom in our state Constitution, it’s important that we vote YES on this question. There are people who think that Marylanders don’t need to worry about our right to reproductive freedom and choice. After all, we’re a liberal state with a law that already provides full access to abortion and contraception. But the Democratic majority in the Maryland General Assembly (encouraged by women’s health organizations) did not want to take the chance that a hard-right president or Congress or Supreme Court might restrict or remove these rights. The legislature enacted a bill to have a referendum on the ballot this fall. The proposed amendment defines reproductive freedom as "the ability to make and effectuate decisions to prevent, continue, or end one's own pregnancy." If Question 1 passes , the Maryland Constitution will be amended to ensure that everyone has the fundamental right to reproductive freedom, including the right to abortion access and birth control.

In reporting on the 2024 Democratic Convention, the media were abuzz with the word “joy.” It was a true celebration of Democratic values. For many, both at the convention and in the home TV audience, it was both fun and inspirational. But we should not forget what Vice President Kamala Harris said in her speech accepting the Democratic nomination for president: “The consequences of putting Donald Trump back in office are extremely serious.” She went on to list some of the specific dangers a second Trump term would entail: his promise to free those convicted of violence in the Jan. 6 attack on the Capitol, his threat to imprison journalists and political opponents, his intention to deploy the nation’s armed forces against our own citizens. In a word, Harris was calling out Trump’s undisguised lust for authoritarian power, and the MAGA Republicans’ willingness to indulge that lust. “Consider the power he will have — especially after the United States Supreme Court just ruled he would be immune from criminal prosecution,” Harris said. “Just imagine Donald Trump with no guardrails.” And despite the euphoria surrounding Harris’s nomination and the inclusion of Minnesota Governor Tim Walz as the Democrats’ vice presidential candidate, the race remains close in all the recent polls. The danger of a second Trump term is still alive, and with it the danger of authoritarianism. Trump has not concealed his admiration for dictators or near-dictators in other countries. Vladimir Putin of Russia, Kim Jong Un of North Korea, Viktor Orban of Hungary — these men are his role models. As widely reported, he told supporters he planned to be a dictator “for one day” after his reelection. Of course, someone with presidential powers and a ready-to-go agenda could do a good deal of damage even in one day. And if there’s no one to stop him, who really believes he’d give up that power on day two? We already know what Trump’s agenda would look like. It’s called Project 2025 . Among other things, it would end or drastically weaken Medicare and the Affordable Care Act, cut Social Security, and eliminate the Department of Education — just to list the points Harris called out in her convention speech. Evidently aware of just how toxic Project 2025 appears to ordinary Americans, Trump has disavowed it. This ignores the fact that it was crafted in large part by former members of his administration. Trump and his policies are mentioned favorably several hundred times in the document. And his vice presidential nominee, JD Vance, reportedly praised it in the foreword to a book by Kevin D. Roberts , the plan’s major architect. (The book’s publisher delayed releasing it until after the election, possibly to deflect attention from Vance’s overt approval.) Speaking of Vance… It used to be that a vice presidential nomination was a way to buffer support in a swing state, or to give a symbolic hat tip to a segment of the population the party wanted to attract. The last time a vice president had to assume the role of president (other than by being elected in his own right) was more than 50 years ago, with Gerald Ford replacing Richard Nixon. But if Trump is reelected, what are the prospects? I am not a doctor, so what follows should be taken with a pinch of salt. Nonetheless, judging by news reports of his remarks in recent months — for example, the August 12 “conversation” with Elon Musk on X (the former Twitter) — Trump is living in a world of delusions. He seems to confuse fictional characters with real life personalities, and his statements — when they are not outright lies — often fail to make even minimal sense. I don’t think it’s unreasonable to wonder if these are early signs of dementia. Also, Trump will be 78 years old at the beginning of the next presidential term. While he has access to the best possible medical care, it is far from certain that his health will hold up for another four years in the most demanding job in the world — even if he spends the whole time playing golf and shuffling off the actual work to his staff. There is a real chance that JD Vance would become president before 2028 — either through the actual death of the president, or through the provisions of the 25th Amendment, should Trump become obviously too ill to remain in office. And as bad as Trump’s return to office would be, Vance’s accession could be far worse. He has made it clear he fully supports Project 2025 — and his public statements indicate that he is broadly opposed to women’s rights, immigration, and U.S. support for Ukraine, just to name a few. To put it bluntly, whether or not Trump is capable of (or interested in) overseeing the actual operations of government, we are unlikely to have a thoughtful problem-solver in the White House if he is reelected. The advocates of Project 2025 are likely to have free rein in putting it into effect if he returns to the White House — especially if there is a Republican majority in Congress. And unless you happen to be a right-wing billionaire who expects to get substantial tax cuts, that is bad news for all of us. Peter Heck is a Chestertown-based writer and editor, who spent 10 years at the Kent County News and three more with the Chestertown Spy. He is the author of 10 novels and co-author of four plays, a book reviewer for Asimov’s and Kirkus Reviews, and an incorrigible guitarist.

Delaware land and population records prior to and during the 1800s are spotty and incomplete, especially where free Black men are concerned. The free Black population was increasing, rising from a 50/50 split in 1800 (230 free Blacks, 239 enslaved persons) to a 75/25 split in 1840 (305 free, 111 enslaved). Free Blacks were still regarded by law as something more than mere pieces of property but “less than fully human,” and did not enjoy the rights and freedoms of White men. Although they paid taxes, they could neither vote nor testify in a courtroom against Whites. There were few schools available for their children. As of 1832, it was illegal for more than 12 free Blacks to hold a meeting past 10pm in winter without three “respectable” Whites present. By 1849, it was illegal to be unemployed while poor and the state held the power to sell anyone judged as such into servitude. Free Black men and women risked the threat of being grabbed by “slave catchers” or arrested. Free Blacks lived in constant fear that they or members of their families would be sold back into slavery. Kidnappers found that taking free Blacks had far fewer consequences than seizing those who were enslaved. One of the most notorious “slave catchers” was Patty Cannon who lived four miles west of Seaford in Sussex County. Cannon abducted hundreds of free Black people and freedom seekers along the Delmarva Peninsula and sold them into slavery in southern states such as Alabama and Mississippi. When arrested, she confessed to nearly two dozen murders of Black kidnap victims. Some free Black men, individually or in groups, actively expressed their opinions on contemporary issues. They sought religious freedom and fairness in labor practices and spoke passionately about their sense of justice, independence, and desire for equality. They petitioned the state demanding action on abolition, emigration, and education. The White majority responded to their growing numbers by passing increasingly harsh, restrictive legislation to restrict their political and economic progress. In spite of these discriminatory practices, free Blacks found ways of creating economically and socially viable families and communities. Even later, U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) programs designed to help all farmers largely hindered Black farmers’ ability to obtain loans or increase their acreage. White farmers wouldn’t sell land to Black farmers. If Black farmers were successful in acquiring land, they often were denied operating loans, and were provided limited access to USDA programs intended to help farmers improve their property. USDA documents revealed, in many cases, loans for Black farmers would take two or three times longer to receive compared to loans for White farmers. As such, Black farmers had to wait to plant crops and so their yield suffered. Every obstacle forced more Black farmers out of farming. “Thompson’s Beginning” Levin Thompson, a free Black man, displayed a great deal of creativity and business acumen. By the time of his death in 1816, he was among the top 5% of assessed property owners in Sussex County. He was wealthy enough to loan money to his White counterparts for interest. According to William H. Williams’s Slavery and Freedom in Delaware, 1639-1865, in 1794, Levin Thompson, born to a Maryland free family, arrived in Delaware and purchased a 200-acre farm and timberland east of Laurel that he expanded into ownership of 428 acres of farmland named “Thompson’s Beginning.” Thompson also operated a gristmill and a sawmill. He owned several spinning wheels and a loom that produced 200 yards of linen and 60 yards of woolen cloth a month. He formed partnerships with White neighbors who assisted him through the tangled legal network that restricted Blacks. To operate his extensive holdings, Thompson employed many free Blacks and provided housing near his mills for 40 free Blacks. Many of his workers purchased freedom for their family members. Delaware has three counties: New Castle, Kent, and Sussex. Around 1860, about 10% of free Black men in Kent and Sussex counties were tenant farmers or were temporary farm laborers who worked during the growing and harvesting of crops such as corn, wheat, and other foodstuffs. In the Cypress Swamp area of Sussex County, free Blacks took jobs related to the timber industry, cutting down trees, driving teams of oxen, and reworking logs into lumber and shingles. Those who did not have land might own oxen they could rent out for cultivating fields, hauling wood and bark, or moving buildings. Belltown By 1860, 68 enslaved persons showed on property listings by White farmers within a three-mile radius of Belltown , now the Five Points intersection near Lewes, Delaware. Fully half of those were listed as “fugitives” so a good number of them had probably set out in search of freedom along the Underground Railroad. Oral tradition states the Sussex County town was named after Jacob “Jigger” Bell, whose name first appears in the 1822 historical record. Bell, a thirty-something resident of Lewes and a free Black man, was painted as a bold businessman and as Delaware’s first Black real estate developer. He bought up land, divided it into smaller parcels, then sold the parcels to others drawn to the free-Black haven and self-sufficient community. Most of the land in Belltown was farmland with cornfields and apple orchards. In the census of 1860, Bell is listed as a 60-year-old minister. He died in the late 1870s, nearing the ripe old age of 90. By the 1870s, Belltown was big enough to support two churches, both built on land donated by Black property owners. Special Field Order 15, issued on January 16, 1865, promised newly-freed Blacks 40 acres of farmland in a strip of land covering 400,000 acres ranging from South Carolina to Florida. Nearly 40,000 freed Blacks took up residence on this land. But this field order did not benefit Black Delaware farmers as Delaware was a border state and not a Confederate state. Additionally, President Andrew Johnson rescinded the Special Field Order in the fall of 1865. This returned the land to the previous property owners, many of whom had been White enslavers. Many of Delaware’s former enslaved farmers became sharecroppers, under terms that benefitted the landowners who collected half the crop. Landowners often financed the cost of seeds, fertilizers, and other crop inputs but often at exorbitant interest rates. This left the Black farmers with little money for food, clothing, and other living expenses. Black farmers often were forbidden to seek better opportunities. By 1980, gripping drought suffocated much of the South. White farmers put in irrigation. Black farmers were denied access to federal or local money and were not advised to structure their business to separate the farm from the home. Without irrigation, yields suffered and forced many Black farmers to lose their homes. The number of Black farmers nationwide plummeted from 926,000 in 1920 to less than 46,000 by 2017. Although Blacks could not become doctors or lawyers and despite, for the most part, living in a state of poverty or semi-poverty, free Blacks found ways to survive, to accumulate significant amounts of material wealth, and build a future for themselves and their families as they became an essential aspect of Delaware’s economic growth. Jessica Clark is a graduate of the University of Maryland School of Journalism. After a 30-year career as a Public Information Specialist and photojournalist for several federal agencies, she retired to Georgetown, Del. She restored former Governor John Collins’ 1790s home on Collins Pond and is a Sussex County Master Gardener.

Fishery managers debate 'precautionary' menhaden harvest closures